Between 2011 and 2013 I worked on a project in rural Wales to increase community engagement with heritage. The project had difficulty in achieving all of its aims. My reflections on the experience formed the basis of a paper I presented at the CHAT conference in 2016. I prepared a text for publication but plans for the conference volume fell through, so I present it here as written at the time.
I should note that since then, the temporary Pilgrim statue mentioned has been replaced by a crowdfunded permanent statue, and the Strata Florida Trust has developed a museum, excavation and heritage events programme, and has published a series of books about the abbey and its landscape.
Hinterland: rurality, community and heritage in Ceredigion
Martin Locock, University of Wales Trinity Saint David
Contemporary and Historical Archaeology in Theory, Orkney,
21-23 October 2016
Abstract
The village of Pontrhydfendigaid in rural Wales is a long
way from anywhere. It shares its
landscape with the remains of the Cistercian abbey of Strata Florida, now in
the care of Cadw: Welsh Historic Monuments, promoted as one of the jewels of
Welsh heritage. Alongside research
excavations by University of Wales Trinity Saint David, an EAFRD funded project
was run in 2011-2013 to promote understanding of the heritage by local
businesses and the community.
The project encountered a variety of responses reflecting
disengagement with the conventional connoisseur narrative, going beyond apathy
and lack of knowledge. This paper
explores how the community defines itself in relation to tourists, authorities,
and the past, rejecting the imposition of external agendas in favour of an
identity constructed from social networks, in which the association with
agriculture, mining, and Welsh language culture is of greater significance that
the monument on their doorstep. In
addition, working with the community revealed the complexity of the
population’s cultural and social affinities, suggesting that it should rather
be thought of as a group of overlapping communities with distinct interests,
membership rules and practices.
The relationship between local inhabitants and their
neighbouring icon is enacted through different cultural forms, including family
history, poetry, ghost stories, leisure activities and well and cemetery visits;
their understanding of its formal academic history and significance may be
minimal. Rather than assume that their
interest can be readily attracted through exposure to generic heritage
discourse, it is necessary to consider the distinctive elements within the
heritage bundle and the emotional baggage they may carry.
The paper concludes by reflecting on the construction of
place and identity in a rural context and the tensions inherent in living
alongside an asset valued highly by others.
Introduction
One of the beneficial by-products of the instrumentalist
approach to heritage, seeing it as a mechanism to build community identity,
social inclusion and a tourism-based economy, has been a democratisation of
heritage. Previously, heritage was
considered a national good, to be preserved and passed on to future
generations. Efforts were made to engage
the majority of the nation in actually enjoying the heritage as visitors, but it
was clear to all that identification, selection, and custodianship lay in the
hands the knowledgeable few who held both power and knowledge. For a decade, this view within the profession
has shifted towards acknowledging that ‘we are all archaeologists now’ (Holtorf
2015: 217). The community archaeology of
the last decade has links that can be traced back to the Manpower Services
Commission schemes of the late 1980s which for the first time sought to include
members of local communities with the examination and presentation of heritage,
both as workers and audience. There
remains a debate about whether all values should be driven from below, or if
there should remain a role for the expert in defining what LauraJane Smith in The Uses of Heritage has called an
‘authorised heritage discourse’:
“The AHD is considered
a self-referential discourse that ‘privileges monumentality and grand scale,
innate artefact/site significance tied to time depth, scientific/aesthetic
expert judgement, social consensus and nation building'” (Smith, 2006: 11)
Thus Smith describes a discourse in which straightforward
power relations are moderated by the inclusion of expertise and social context,
what Brand (2004: 15) describes as the tripartite definition of cultural value
between specialists, the public and the government. The Faro Convention (Council of Europe, 2005)
adopts a bottom-up approach where a ‘heritage community’ is conceived as an ad
hoc collaboration between individuals and bodies who share a common goal in the
management of heritage, implying that a consensus should be sought that
satisfies all parties. There is a danger
with this that a community becomes ‘The Community’, essentialising group
identity and masking the complexities of social relations (Smith and Waterton
2013: s.6); rather it may be necessary to think of a series of communities with
memberships and relationships.
These theoretical questions came to the fore in the course
of recent work by the University of Wales Trinity Saint David near the village
of Pontrhydfendigaid, Ceredigion, Wales, and this paper explores how, in
practice, a community relates to and constructs its own heritage.
Hinterland
This paper takes its title from the recent TV detective
series co-produced by S4C and BBC Wales, and filmed in both English- and
Welsh-language versions. The aesthetic
of the series is consciously derived from the ”Nordic Noir” dramas of Wallander and Forbrydelsen (The Killing), featuring loving panoramas of bleak
skies over barren hills, scattered farmhouses heavy with feuds and secrets, and
a feeling that modern civilisation is a long way away (Moss, 2013).
The series is filmed in the area of Ceredigion to the north
and east of Aberystwyth, the western edge of the Cambrian Mountains, what the
poet Harri Webb has called “the Green Desert”.
Those familiar with the area will recognise that the impression of
isolation and emptiness is artfully created by the use of selected camera
positions, the creation of a virtual location from a mosaic of real locations,
and showing only the most telegenic of weather.
Nevertheless, this artifice reflects a core truth – that this is an area
where nature is unconfined but culture is.
There are few people, and population change is slow; the combination of
push factors leading some to leave, and pull factors leading incomers to
settle, creates a distinct and specific social milieu detached from
metropolitan Britain. It might be
expected that such a context would be highly hospitable to the valuing and
enjoyment of heritage.
Pontrhydfendigaid is a small nucleated linear settlement to
the northeast of Cors Caron, a large lake and peat bog. Its name (literally ‘the bridge over the ford
of the maiden [Virgin Mary]’) reflects its location on the banks of the River
Teifi. Although its history can be
traced back to a medieval settlement of bondsmen of Strata Florida Abbey, it
owes its size and character to the 19th century boom in silver lead
mining in the vicinity (Bezant 2014, 61; Austin, 2013a; Dyfed Archaeological
Trust, n.d.). There are a few hundred
residents.
Pontrhydfendigaid’s
authorised heritage discourse
The picturesque ruin of Strata Florida Abbey has been part
of antiquarian consciousness for 200 years; it was the subject of the largest
19th century excavation in Wales in the 1880s, funded by the
Cambrian Archaeological Association, yielding decorated floor tiles that went
on display in the British Museum. When
the Manchester and Milford Railway arrived, day excursions to the ruins were
advertised.
The significance of the site has been endorsed through legal
protection: it is a Scheduled Ancient Monument (among the first batch of sites in
Wales to be included) and a Grade I Listed Building. It falls within the Upland Ceredigion Landscape
of Outstanding Historic Interest in Wales and is one of the 123 sites managed
by Cadw: Welsh Historic Monuments.
As a Cistercian monastic house, it has enjoyed academic
prominence (Austin 2013b). The Cistercians
are the rock stars of monasticism, subject of a steady stream of conferences
and publications. “For many, the
Cistercian order remains the medieval monastic success story par excellence”
(Stober, nd).
The iconography of the abbey and, in particular, the graves
of the princes of Deheubarth and the key role of the scriptorium in preserving Medieval Welsh literature, has made it a
touchstone for Welsh nationalism, lying outside the more politically sensitive
Norman edifices of North and South Wales.
National and regional tourism campaigns have promoted the
Abbey, basing its importance of this cluster of endorsements from experts and
professionals, defining and perpetuating an Authorised Heritage Discourse.
The project
Since 1999, the University of Wales Trinity Saint David has
been undertaking a long-term research project into Strata Florida and its
landscape, including documentary research and mapping of landholdings (Bezant,
2009), geophysical and ecological survey (Bezant, 2007), building recording,
and research excavations in areas around the Scheduled Ancient Monument
designated site. The programme’s
centrepiece has been a four-week training excavation with up to 100 students
from Lampeter working on the site (Austin 2004). The project has featured on TV including Digging for Britain (2012) and Hidden Histories (2010). Although efforts were made to publicise the
University’s work and involve the local community, it proved hard to establish
and foster connections.
In 2011 UWTSD successfully applied for £0.4m funding from
the EAFRD (European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development) for the Strata
Florida Heritage Landscape Tourism Project under Ceredigion’s Axis 323 (Connecting
People, Nature and Heritage strand).
This was a two-year programme intended to develop the local economy by
encouraging the use of heritage by local businesses in their marketing,
improving interpretation and access to the Abbey environs, and undertaking
events and activities to engage the community and to promote the area to
tourists. The mid-term evaluation of
Axis 323 noted “With a view to maximising their potential impact, projects
should be encouraged to avoid an over focus on ‘preaching to the converted’ and
targeting ‘new’ groups to participate in the project” (Wavehill, 2012), and in
keeping with this the activities included open days, talks, school sessions,
and a conference. One of the
requirements of the funding was for the documentation and evaluation of the
impact of the activities, involving measures including visitor counts,
questionnaires and surveys, and as a result it is possible to assess
objectively the extent to which the community became engaged.
Community engagement
Prior to the commencement of the project, Cadw recorded 5,000
visitors per year to Strata Florida Abbey (Peate, 2010). It was recognised that the vast majority of
these visitors were from outside the local area (95% or more). From a tourism point of view, this can be
seen as a positive characteristic, since these visitors bring new spending into
the local economy, but on the other hand this reflects a disengagement by the
community. The project therefore targeted
the local population through activities aimed at outreach through linking up
with existing networks, and offering accessible pathways to encourage
engagement with the heritage. A quarterly
Community Liaison Group was set up, bringing together local councillors,
landowners and representatives of community groups, to consult on and promote
activities. An intensive effort was made
to raise the heritage component of primary school teaching in the area through
a programme of weekly talks to the four local primary schools over a term,
culminating in a site visit.
A baseline survey of all users of the visitor car park was
undertaken on one day in August 2012; individuals were asked about their main
reason for visiting, whether they had visited before, and their home address. The results confirmed that the visitor
profile was dominated by long-distance tourists.
In 2012 a two-day series of site Open Days were held,
focused on the continuing archaeological excavation of the monastic gatehouse,
but also including children’s activities, living history performers,
storytelling and musical performances, craft displays and activities, and
site-specific sculpture. Although it was
expected that these Open Days would prove attractive to heritage tourists, it
was hoped that the addition of the range of less formal attractions would
encourage the inhabitants of Pontrhydfendigaid to visit (the excavations were
open to visitors throughout the digging season). As it happened, the weekend coincided with
extremely heavy thunderstorms, high winds and flash flooding, rendering travel
difficult. It was considered that this
would reduce the proportion of people travelling longer distances to attend.
A further event was arranged in October 2012 in the form of
a one-day conference in Lampeter, ‘Celtic Myth and Landscape’. It was hoped that broadening the topics to
include elements of literature and art would appeal to those whose interests
lay outside conventional archaeology.
Table 1: Home address of participants at Strata Florida events 2012
|
Home address |
Baseline survey |
Open Day |
Celtic myth and landscape |
|||
|
|
No. |
% |
No. |
% |
No. |
% |
|
Pontrhydfendigaid
postcode |
0 |
0% |
33 |
50% |
2 |
6% |
|
Other
Ceredigion/Lampeter postcode |
4 |
29% |
13 |
20% |
14 |
45% |
|
Other Wales |
5 |
36% |
14 |
21% |
12 |
39% |
|
England |
5 |
36% |
6 |
9% |
3 |
10% |
|
Total |
14 |
100% |
66 |
100% |
31 |
100% |
The pattern of engagement is broadly consistent: however locally-focused the event, the bulk
of participants are drawn from elsewhere, despite the various attempts to
expand from a strictly archaeological agenda to include ancillary sectors and
activities. Broadly speaking the
approach adopted was the Fields of Dreams
model: if we build it, they will come, or if we make people aware of the
heritage, they will become interested in it.
The conclusion reached by the project was that this approach is naïve:
after so many opportunities for engagement, lack of take-up must reflect
something more fundamental, a decision to not engage.
The problem of reaching new parts of community was
encountered across the RDP programme, even though its importance was recognised:
“The impact of the projects, in terms
of making people aware of and interested in local heritage, will be / has been
substantially greater if they are able to engage with groups of visitors and/or
local residents who were previously unaware or uninterested in that heritage”
(Wavehill, 2015).
Fundamentally, the question can be redrafted as “why does
the Authorised Heritage Discourse fail to appeal to many in the local
community?” With that framing,
disengagement becomes more explicable. Parker
has argued in Neighbours from Hell? that
the Welsh cultural experience can be seen as a long history of being told what
to do by their English rulers (2007, passim). In the case of Pontrhydfendigaid, it has
been accustomed to the literal and metaphorical hegemony of English kings,
French monastic orders, the English church, English and Irish gentry estate
owners (the Stedmans and the Earls of Lisburne), government agencies such as
the Forestry Commission and Cadw, and parliaments and assemblies in Cardiff and
Westminster. In the circumstances, the
community might legitimately see the university as just the latest external
authority seeking to define how they should behave.
Complexities of
identity and the Unauthorised Heritage Discourse
Drilling down from “the Community” in order to establish how
engagement might be more effective, it is clear that it would be more accurate
to talk of communities- an overlapping set of groups and sub-groups with
differing memberships reflecting their identity, interests and social relations. In such a small community, the pattern in
surprisingly complex, perhaps reflecting the rurality of the region. In a larger conurbation, individuals are
free to seek out and link up with others who match their outlook closely, often
relying on informal networks and a stream of one-off events. In an isolated settlement, there are fewer
such opportunities to develop and strengthen bonds with others. In their stead, membership of multiple
groups, and avoidance of other groups, can be used to reflect an individual
social persona.
Table 2: Oppositions and communities in Pontrhydfendigaid
|
Welsh speaking |
: |
English speaking |
|
Native |
: |
Incomer |
|
Anglican |
: |
Nonconformist |
|
Young |
: |
Old |
|
Working class |
: |
Middle class |
|
Farmer |
: |
Villager |
|
Ecology |
: |
History |
|
Dog walker |
: |
Horse rider |
|
Women’s Institute |
: |
Merched Y Wawr |
Not all of these oppositions are necessarily hostile, but
they do represent a fragmentation of identity which affects the viability of
efforts to engage with the community.
It is also reflected in the variety of cultural practices that have
developed in which people engage with heritage on their own terms.
The Unauthorised Heritage Discourse comprises the elements
of culture and history that are valued by the community (or parts of it)
without reference to the gatekeepers of authority. Usually these elements are left unexpressed, but
in this case local tourism businesses had been asked to identify what made the
area special as part of a Sense of Place workshop (Visit Wales 2015). After adding the obvious, authorised,
elements, a hinterland of more visceral and individualistic emerged: ghost
stories, folk tales, mining lore, onomastic and family stories, poetry, and
traditions linked to places. For
example the local mysterious big cat, The Beast of Bont, was cited with pride
rather than being seen as a negative aspect (Coard, 2007; Hurn, 2009; Furness,
2012).
The key components of
the Unauthorised Heritage Discourse are those that are embodied in cultural
practice; the performative element celebrates, reinforces and transmits the
meaning. The annual Bont Eisteddfod
provides a focus for Welsh-language music and literature creation and
performance within the community.
Another ritual specific to Wales is the ‘Sul y Blodau‘ (Flower Sunday),
the annual practice of visiting all the family graves on Palm Sunday and
decorating them leaving flowers.
Another local tradition is the leaving of flowers and
candles at a spring (or holy well) in the bank of the Afon Glasffrwd at Ffynnon
Dyffryn Tywel (‘the spring in the quiet valley’). This is anonymous and individual (it is
unclear who is responsible, and how many different people are involved), but is
presumably associated with some form of pagan or earth magic belief. It is interesting that this practice has
emerged in a place with a long history of ritualised practice using water,
including the chalybeate springs whose iron-rich health-giving properties were
one of the attractions cited for railway day-trippers in the late 19th
century, the Ffynnon Lygaid (‘eye well’) of early post-medieval date, and
Pantyfedwen, which may be medieval in date (Evans 1903, 32). Proponents of ‘deep mapping’ would argue that
such recurrences reflect a continuity embedded in the relationship between
human and landscape (Kavanagh 2015), but it is curious that the specific locales vary over time.
A final recurring practice are regular visits to the
Anglican church at Strata Florida, whose graveyard contains a yew tree
traditionally associated with Dafydd ap Gwilym, the foremost medieval poet in
the Welsh language.
What these features have in common is that they are not
arbitrary visits to arbitrary places of some notional interest: they are imbued
with a hinterland of meaning and purpose reflecting the value to the
individual. This applies a symbolic
meaning of the landscape which could be co-opted into the Authorised Heritage
Discourse. As Belford has noted, a
community may wish to influence the discourse, not develop their own (2011,
64).
Semi-authorised
heritage discourse
From a pragmatic point of view, the issue faced by the
custodians of the authorised heritage discourse is how to replicate the
enthusiasm and interest arising from the Unauthorised Heritage Discourse
instrumentally to achieve their desired ends in terms of the public good of
increased engagement with heritage by previously disengaged groups. Are there any narrative strands that might be
used to bring together the power of story with the physical heritage?
One aspect of the rural community is the longevity of
families and their associations with places.
In the case of the post-medieval ‘squatter settlement” of Rhos Gelligron
on the edges of the common to the southeast of the village, the limited
archaeological evidence of the abandoned buildings was supplemented by a much
richer social history narrative preserved by descendants of the occupants, who
had moved into the village (Tarlow, 2009).
The Nanteos cup is a small wooden bowl (a medieval mazer)
held by the successors to the Stedmans, the post-Dissolution owners of Strata
Florida; its actual provenance and history is unknown, but for more than a
century it has been the subject of a speculative narrative that associates its
use for healing in the 19th century, arrival at Strata Florida in
the final days of monasticism, and before that perhaps a role in the Last
Supper as the Holy Grail. In the 1900s,
Evans sought to popularise this account as part of his efforts to preserve and
promote the Abbey ruins (Jenkins, 2009: 5).
As part of the 2012 Open Days, nine members of Sculpture
Cymru were commissioned to produce site-specific works, created and installed
during the week and displayed at the Open Days. The works were intended to be ephemeral
responses to the heritage and landscape of the area, and included references to
metalworking, ceramics and textiles. The
most ambitious work was The Pilgrim, by Glenn Morris, a 3m-high statue
positioned on the summit of the small hill overlooking the Abbey. The statue comprised wooden elements bolted
to a steel frame anchored into the ground by concrete. In allusion to the use
of the uplands by the Abbey for sheep pasture, the statue was clothed in a
woollen smock. The appearance of this
new feature on the skyline had an immediate effect and was adopted as a local
landmark by the community. Although it
had been intended that the statue would be dismantled after the project, the
reaction was so positive that it has been left standing, and has become an icon
for the area (for example, it was used on the cover of the photograph
collection Ceredigion At My Feet
(Hughes 2016)).
If it proves possible to harness the power of stories like
these, the heritage of Pontrhydfendigaid may come to be seen as part of the
community rather than simply located within it.
The Strata Florida Trust is currently in the process of taking ownership
of farm buildings adjacent to the ruins with the intent of developing the
Strata Florida Centre with true community involvement (Bettley, 2016). Alongside a continuing increase in the number
of visitors (to 6,391 in 2014 (GSR, 2015)), the economic and cultural impact of
the heritage appears to be growing.
Conclusion
A project working in an area with a large population can
afford the luxury of narrowcasting: if it only reached 5%, or 1%, of the
audience, there will still be hundreds of people packing out events and
completing evaluation forms. As a
result, it may never occur to funders or implementation staff to consider who
they are missing, and why they might not be responding as desired. In a rural context, disengagement is visible.
The experience of the Strata Florida Heritage Landscape
Project shows that even with good intentions and local knowledge, a conscious
re-learning is necessary to reframe an Authorised Heritage Discourse to appeal
to a community which may have little interest in an official or academic
narrative whose stories stir in them no recognition or emotion.
Acknowledgements
The Strata Florida Heritage Landscape Tourism Project was
part-funded by the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development through the
Welsh Government. The author is grateful
to Professor David Austin for his contribution to the development of this paper;
the views expressed are his own..
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